May 1994
Dear Co-laborer,
My prayer, as I write this series, is that you will
look at eschatology from a macro rather than a micro perspective.
There are as many opinions on the subject of eschatology as there are
people, especially when you view it up close, examining the meaning of every
little aspect of the events surrounding the return of Christ.
I hope that you will stand back and evaluate what you
believe regarding eschatology from the perspective of how your views impact your
life; what practical differences does your understanding of Christ's return make
in your daily life? We may disagree
on the details, and even on the big picture, but I do hope that by the time we
are done, you will see how your conclusions influence how you live.
DEVELOPMENT OF
JEWISH/CHURCH CONFLICT
In the last issue on eschatology, we saw that a
belief in the imminent return of Christ on the part of the apostles necessitated
a belief in His return before the
millennium. Obviously they were
incorrect regarding His any-moment return, but by inference we see that they
interpreted Jesus as teaching that He would return before the beginning of the
millennium, whatever the millennium entailed.
Furthermore, it was the anti-Semitic bias of the
early Church that robbed Israel of its future in the program of God; the Church
appropriated the Old Testament promises to herself. For this reason, the millennium of Revelation 20 was
interpreted as a Church rather than a Jewish event.
The conclusion of the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15
heightened the antipathy between the early Church and Judaism, with the
declaration that Gentiles need not become circumcised in order to be joined to
the Church. Immediately a gulf
between Jew and Gentile was established, because circumcision was the sign of adherence to the Law.
As the Roman Catholic theologian Dom Gregory Dix
notes, this decision by the Jerusalem Council to consider as optional the
practice of circumcision by the Jewish-Christian Church, was "a desertion
of the national cause in its hour of danger, by the whole Christian movement as
such." Unconverted Jews began
persecuting Christian Jews, "prejudic(ing) the vast majority of Jews
against the 'Gospel' and the claim of Jesus to be the Messiah, and so put an end
to the dearest hope of the Jewish-Christian Church, that of seeing all Israel
acknowledge its Messiah..." They
saw Gentile circumcision as a "reasonable minimum suggestion" in
giving the Gospel any chance to succeed among the Jews.
"How difficult this question must be for any
Jewish Christian is illustrated by S. Paul's circumcision of Timothy in Asia
Minor 'because of the local Jews...for they all knew that his father was a
Greek'[1]."
Paul realized that failure to circumcise Timothy would block all access
to non-Christian Jews.[2]
This animosity increased as a result of the Jew's
rejection of Christ and the Church's embracing the millennium as a sacred
empire, or a "Christian imperium
sacrum," to quote Jurgen Moltmann.[3]
Hostility gained momentum as the Church grew stronger and more Gentile in
its membership.
In 66 AD the Jews rebelled against Rome in the Bar-Cochab
rebellion. The Jerusalem Church
fled in mass to Pella, a Gentile city in Transjordan, where Jewish elements
massacred as many Jewish Christians as they could.
Justin, in his Dialogue with Trypho, refers to the martyrdom of
Jewish Christians in Palestine by noting that hostile Jews killed them
"whenever they had the power."[4]
JEWISH
DISPERSION AFTER THE FALL OF JERUSALEM
Dix
continues by pointing out that "the breach between the Jewish Christians
and their own countrymen was complete after AD 66.
When Roman rule was restored, Jewish nationalism entrenched itself
bitterly in the only sphere left to it - the worship of the synagogues and a
rigorous observance of the Law." Jews
saw those of their brethren who converted to Christ as traitors to the national
cause. A solemn curse upon them was
introduced into the central prayer of the synagogue liturgy.
Debarred from evangelizing their own countrymen, "the
Jewish-Christian Church of Palestine becomes after AD 70 a small closed body of
hereditary Jewish believers in the Messiah Jesus.
"Outside Palestine, Jewish Christianity
virtually withers away during the next generation."
Many, discouraged, became secularized.
Those who became part of the Gentile Church did not try to maintain their
observance of the Law. "There
are no traces whatsoever of Jewish Christian influence as such on Gentile
Christianity in the sub-Apostolic Church....Unsettled and adrift between two
worlds, the Jewish Christians of the Dispersion were not in any position to lead
the Gentile Churches....In Palestine, Jewish Christianity continued as a
corporate body and managed to reconstitute itself, with a pathetic loyalty, in
the ruins of Jerusalem after AD 70 for another fifty years."[5]
Tracing Judaism in the years following the
destruction of the temple (AD 70), Barnard (whom we met in an earlier issue),
calls attention to the turmoil within the Greek world.
"Strife between Jew and Greek, between Jew and Jew, and Jew and
Christian, often accompanied by violent massacres and upheavals, formed the
political background of the age." Philo[6]
sought to bridge the gap between Hellenism and Judaism, but failed due to the
upheaval.
The Jews did not seek to preserve the influence of Philo in
their communities. "The main
reason for the eclipse of Philo was the resurgence of Pharisaic Judaism, which
began at Jamnia[7]
after AD 70 and continued unabated, in its literary activity, until about AD
600." Philo linked philosophy
with the first five books of the Bible through the use of allegory, a method
widely used in the Greek world for giving relevance to mythology.
This method of interpretation was picked up by some of the Patristics,
especially Origen.[8]
The Yale church historian K.S. Latourette continues,
noting that by the time the Patristics began writing, it was evident that any
effort to win the majority of Jews to Christianity had failed.
Most Christians were converted Gentiles, and it was in their direction
that the Christian missionary effort was mainly directed.
Not only so, but the principle opposition to the Gospel shifted from the
Jews to the pagans, as seen in the persecution of Roman emperors such as Nero.[9]
The Roman Catholic theologian, J.P. Kirsch,
illustrates how the Church embraced an allegorical method of interpretation.
He readily concedes that the Old Testament prophets promised "a
temporal Messiah" who would free Israel from their oppressors and restore
"the former splendor" of the nation.
This included "the arrival of the Messiah, the defeat of the nations
hostile to Israel, and the union of all the Israelites in the messianic kingdom
followed by the renovation of the world and the universal resurrection."[10]
As we saw earlier with Moltmann, an objective
analysis of the historical documents reveal that the Jews (and in the next issue
we will see also the Patristics) believed in a literal, temporal kingdom in
which Messiah would sit on the throne of David.
Note how Kirsch accommodates an a-millennial interpretation of Scripture
via a figurative interpretation.
"Though it is difficult to focus sharply the pictures used in the apocalypse and the things expressed by them, yet there can be no doubt
that the whole description refers to the spiritual combat between Christ and the Church on the one hand and the
malignant
powers of hell and the world on the other.[11]
Nevertheless, a large number of Christians of the
post-Apostolic era,
particularly in Asia Minor, yielded so far to Jewish apocalyptic as to put a literal meaning into these descriptions
of St. John's Apocalypse (Revelation); the result was that millenarianism
spread and gained staunch advocates not only among the heretics but among the Catholic Christians as
well..."[12]
As we will note again and again in our study of
eschatology, the differences in the Church flow from hermeneutics; do we
interpret Scripture literally or figuratively?
Those who advocate the figurative approach argue that no one interprets
the Bible literally. In a sense
this is true, but a figurative hermeneutic is warranted only when the context
demands it.
For example, we read in Revelation 1:20:
"As for the mystery of the seven
stars which you saw in my right hand, and the seven golden lampstands, the seven
stars are the angels of the seven churches and the seven lampstands are the
seven churches." It is
obvious that the "seven stars" and the "seven candlesticks"
are figurative, for John tells us this is so.
Whenever you take it upon yourself to render a
passage figurative on any other basis than the context demanding it, you open
yourself to heresy. Although this
may be construed as an emotional prejudicing of the case, note that most
deviation from evangelical doctrine takes place in an environment in which an
a-millennial hermeneutic is applied.
German Rationalism of the last century was born in this ethos, and
Bultmann's Demythologizing is merely taking the figurative interpretation of the
Bible to an extreme.
You may
wonder why I have used so many quotes in this and other issues on eschatology.
First, eschatology is a controversial and emotional issue among
Christians. It would be easy for
you to conclude that I have launched a polemic to "beat my own drum."
I want you to see that I have not distorted the information available on
this subject.
Second, men like Dix, Moltmann, Harnack, Latourette,
and Barnard, do not write from an eschatological, but historical perspective.
They don't express their own bias regarding the millennium or the
practical difference a person's views make.
All of them are acknowledged scholars in the field of early Church
history, writing without seeking to prove anything.
Third, although these scholars come from a varied
assortment of backgrounds, they all agree as to what happened in the early
centuries of the Church when the Church turned anti-Semitic and as a result
twisted their interpretation of Scripture.
In this issue we have looked at how the antipathy
between the early Church and Judaism developed.
Looking in retrospect, much of it was predictable; the repercussions of
Acts 15 when the Church decided that circumcision was not necessary, the closing
of synagogues to the Gospel, the destruction of the Temple with the fall of
Jerusalem in 70 AD, complete with the confiscation of Israel's Old Testament
promises by the Church. Before
exploring fully how all of this impacted the Church, in the next issue I want to
look at how this set of historical events biased the interpretation of the
Patristics.
Yours in the bonds of Christ,
[1]Acts
xvi. 3.
[2]Dix,
Gregory, Jew and Greek - A Study in the Primitive Church, Dacre
Press, Westminster, 1953, pp. 34-35.
[3]op.
cit., Moltmann, pp. 1021-1024.
[4]The
Ante-Nicene Fathers, Roberts & Donaldson, editors, Eerdmans, Grand
Rapids,1981,Justin, Dialogue with
Trypho, chapter CXXXIII, p.266.
[5]op.
cit., Dix, pp. 62-63.
[6]Philo
was born about the time of Christ and lived in Alexandria, Egypt.
A Jewish philosopher, he sought to marry the worlds of Jew and Greek
by the use of "Word" (logos) in creation. In
this he anticipated the writings of John (cf. Jn 1:1).
[7]A
small city in Palestine noted for its being the origen of the Birkathha-Minim,
a circular letter to the synagogues denouncing Christianity.
[8]op.cit.
Barnard, pp. 44-45.
[9]Latourette,
K.S., A History of the Expansion of Christianity, Vol 1, Eyre &
Spottiswoode, London, 1939, pp. 121,137.
[10]Herbermann,
Charles G., editor, The Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 Vol & Index,
vol X, Kirsch, J.P., Millennium,
New York, The Encyclopedia Press, Inc., 1911, p.307.
[11]It
is interesting to observe that those who hold to a figurative interpretation
of the first half of Revelation 20 interpret the second half of the chapter
literally.
[12]ibid., p.308.